Обама сделал свое дело! Не 200 тысяч слушателей, как пять лет назад, а всего 4 000, без «крылатых» фраз, зато «на злобу дня», немного о России… Президент США выступил перед Бранденбургскими воротами — без блеска, но добротно. Саммари на русском, текст речи Барака Обамы на английском и видео вы можете найти ниже.

Что Обама сказал Берлину

Речь у Бранденбургских ворот длилась примерно тридцать минут. Обама то вспоминал о заслугах «приютившего» его города и его жителей, то цитировал великого немца Канта, отдал должное Marschall-Plan, мятежу рабочих в Германской демократической республике (17.06.1953), событиям «лихих восьмидесятых-девяностых».

— Защита окружающей среды, которая «напоминает» о себе всё чаще.
— Ещё активнее следует решать проблемы голодающих и людей, находящихся за чертой бедности.
— «Фобиям» — бой! В том числе отсутствию толерантности по отношению к ЛГБТ-сообществу.
— Не обошел Барак Обама и «российскую» тему . Повод вспомнить нашу страну, правда, был «безобидным». Президент США предложил начать новые переговоры — по дальнейшему снижению наступательного потенциала обеих сторон. Америка и её союзники преспокойно обойдутся без 1/3 своих боеголовок. На новых переговорах будет обсуждаться утилизация тактического ядерного оружия РФ и США.

Для тех, кто понимает

… мы предлагаем текст выступления Барака Обамы на английском языке. В конце материала — видеоролик речи Обамы у Бранденбургских ворот:

Hello, Berlin! (Applause.) Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life - from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany. As I\’ve said, Angela and I don\’t exactly look like previous German and American leaders. But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth: No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart. (Applause.)

Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany - thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome. In fact, it\’s so warm and I feel so good that I\’m actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to. (Applause.) We can be a little more informal among friends. (Applause.)

As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator. Today, I\’m proud to return as President of the United States. (Applause.) And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha. (Applause.) You may notice that they\’re not here. The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me. (Laughter.) So they\’re out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin. And this history speaks to us today.

Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state; through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a «land of poets and thinkers», among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the «unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity.»

Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed - through the rise and fall of empires; through revolutions and republics; art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man\’s cruelty to man.

It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds. As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old - the original «candy bomber.» We could not be prouder of him. (Applause.) I hope I look that good, by the way, when I\’m 92. (Laughter.)

During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people. And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin - that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome.

Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th. When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled. Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down. (Applause.)

And we¹re now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn. A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome. An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz. (Applause.) And this square itself, once a desolate no man\’s land, is now open to all. So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past. (Applause.)

For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question: Will we live free or in chains? Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them? In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul?

As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago. As Americans, we believe that «all men are created equal» with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that «the dignity of man is inviolable.» (Applause.)

Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family.

And this is what was at stake here in Berlin all those years. And because courageous crowds climbed atop that wall, because corrupt dictatorships gave way to new democracies, because millions across this continent now breathe the fresh air of freedom, we can say, here in Berlin, here in Europe - our values won. Openness won. Tolerance won. And freedom won here in Berlin. (Applause.)

And yet, more than two decades after that triumph, we must acknowledge that there can, at times, be a complacency among our Western democracies. Today, people often come together in places like this to remember history - not to make it. After all, we face no concrete walls, no barbed wire. There are no tanks poised across a border. There are no visits to fallout shelters. And so sometimes there can be a sense that the great challenges have somehow passed. And that brings with it a temptation to turn inward - to think of our own pursuits, and not the sweep of history; to believe that we\’ve settled history\’s accounts, that we can simply enjoy the fruits won by our forebears.

But I come here today, Berlin, to say complacency is not the character of great nations. Today\’s threats are not as stark as they were half a century ago, but the struggle for freedom and security and human dignity - that struggle goes on. And I\’ve come here, to this city of hope, because the tests of our time demand the same fighting spirit that defined Berlin a half-century ago.

Chancellor Merkel mentioned that we mark the anniversary of President John F. Kennedy\’s stirring defense of freedom, embodied in the people of this great city. His pledge of solidarity - «Ich bin ein Berliner» - (applause) - echoes through the ages. But that\’s not all that he said that day. Less remembered is the challenge that he issued to the crowd before him: «Let me ask you», he said to those Berliners, «let me ask you to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today» and «beyond the freedom of merely this city.» Look, he said, «to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.»

President Kennedy was taken from us less than six months after he spoke those words. And like so many who died in those decades of division, he did not live to see Berlin united and free. Instead, he lives forever as a young man in our memory. But his words are timeless because they call upon us to care more about things than just our own self-comfort, about our own city, about our own country. They demand that we embrace the common endeavor of all humanity.

And if we lift our eyes, as President Kennedy called us to do, then we\’ll recognize that our work is not yet done. For we are not only citizens of America or Germany - we are also citizens of the world. And our fates and fortunes are linked like never before.

We may no longer live in fear of global annihilation, but so long as nuclear weapons exist, we are not truly safe. (Applause.) We may strike blows against terrorist networks, but if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our own freedom will eventually be endangered. We may enjoy a standard of living that is the envy of the world, but so long as hundreds of millions endure the agony of an empty stomach or the anguish of unemployment, we\’re not truly prosperous. (Applause.)

I say all this here, in the heart of Europe, because our shared past shows that none of these challenges can be met unless we see ourselves as part of something bigger than our own experience. Our alliance is the foundation of global security. Our trade and our commerce is the engine of our global economy. Our values call upon us to care about the lives of people we will never meet. When Europe and America lead with our hopes instead of our fears, we do things that no other nations can do, no other nations will do. So we have to lift up our eyes today and consider the day of peace with justice that our generation wants for this world.

I\’d suggest that peace with justice begins with the example we set here at home, for we know from our own histories that intolerance breeds injustice. Whether it\’s based on race, or religion, gender or sexual orientation, we are stronger when all our people - no matter who they are or what they look like - are granted opportunity, and when our wives and our daughters have the same opportunities as our husbands and our sons. (Applause.)

When we respect the faiths practiced in our churches and synagogues, our mosques and our temples, we\’re more secure. When we welcome the immigrant with his talents or her dreams, we are renewed. (Applause.) When we stand up for our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters and treat their love and their rights equally under the law, we defend our own liberty as well. We are more free when all people can pursue their own happiness. (Applause.)

And as long as walls exist in our hearts to separate us from those who don¹t look like us, or think like us, or worship as we do, then we\’re going to have to work harder, together, to bring those walls of division down.

Peace with justice means free enterprise that unleashes the talents and creativity that reside in each of us; in other models, direct economic growth from the top down or relies solely on the resources extracted from the earth. But we believe that real prosperity comes from our most precious resource - our people. And that\’s why we choose to invest in education, and science and research. (Applause.)

And now, as we emerge from recession, we must not avert our eyes from the insult of widening inequality, or the pain of youth who are unemployed. We have to build new ladders of opportunity in our own societies that - even as we pursue new trade and investment that fuels growth across the Atlantic.

America will stand with Europe as you strengthen your union. And we want to work with you to make sure that every person can enjoy the dignity that comes from work - whether they live in Chicago or Cleveland or Belfast or Berlin, in Athens or Madrid, everybody deserves opportunity. We have to have economies that are working for all people, not just those at the very top. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means extending a hand to those who reach for freedom, wherever they live. Different peoples and cultures will follow their own path, but we must reject the lie that those who live in distant places don\’t yearn for freedom and self-determination just like we do; that they don¹t somehow yearn for dignity and rule of law just like we do. We cannot dictate the pace of change in places like the Arab world, but we must reject the excuse that we can do nothing to support it. (Applause.)

We cannot shrink from our role of advancing the values we believe in - whether it\’s supporting Afghans as they take responsibility for their future, or working for an Israeli-Palestinian peace - (applause) - or engaging as we\’ve done in Burma to help create space for brave people to emerge from decades of dictatorship. In this century, these are the citizens who long to join the free world. They are who you were. They deserve our support, for they too, in their own way, are citizens of Berlin. And we have to help them every day. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means pursuing the security of a world without nuclear weapons - no matter how distant that dream may be. And so, as President, I\’ve strengthened our efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and reduced the number and role of America¹s nuclear weapons. Because of the New START Treaty, we¹re on track to cut American and Russian deployed nuclear warheads to their lowest levels since the 1950s. (Applause.)

But we have more work to do. So today, I\’m announcing additional steps forward. After a comprehensive review, I\’ve determined that we can ensure the security of America and our allies, and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent, while reducing our deployed strategic nuclear weapons by up to one-third. And I intend to seek negotiated cuts with Russia to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures. (Applause.)

At the same time, we¹ll work with our NATO allies to seek bold reductions in U.S. and Russian tactical weapons in Europe. And we can forge a new international framework for peaceful nuclear power, and reject the nuclear weaponization that North Korea and Iran may be seeking.

America will host a summit in 2016 to continue our efforts to secure nuclear materials around the world, and we will work to build support in the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and call on all nations to begin negotiations on a treaty that ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. These are steps we can take to create a world of peace with justice. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means refusing to condemn our children to a harsher, less hospitable planet. The effort to slow climate change requires bold action. And on this, Germany and Europe have led. In the United States, we have recently doubled our renewable energy from clean sources like wind and solar power. We\’re doubling fuel efficiency on our cars. Our dangerous carbon emissions have come down. But we know we have to do more - and we will do more. (Applause.)

With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some. For the grim alternative affects all nations - more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise. This is the future we must avert. This is the global threat of our time. And for the sake of future generations, our generation must move toward a global compact to confront a changing climate before it is too late. That is our job. That is our task. We have to get to work. (Applause.)

Peace with justice means meeting our moral obligations. And we have a moral obligation and a profound interest in helping lift the impoverished corners of the world. By promoting growth so we spare a child born today a lifetime of extreme poverty. By investing in agriculture, so we aren\’t just sending food, but also teaching farmers to grow food. By strengthening public health, so we\’re not just sending medicine, but training doctors and nurses who will help end the outrage of children dying from preventable diseases. Making sure that we do everything we can to realize the promise - an achievable promise - of the first AIDS-free generation. That is something that is possible if we feel a sufficient sense of urgency. (Applause.)

Our efforts have to be about more than just charity. They\’re about new models of empowering people - to build institutions; to abandon the rot of corruption; to create ties of trade, not just aid, both with the West and among the nations they\’re seeking to rise and increase their capacity. Because when they succeed, we will be more successful as well. Our fates are linked, and we cannot ignore those who are yearning not only for freedom but also prosperity.

And finally, let\’s remember that peace with justice depends on our ability to sustain both the security of our societies and the openness that defines them. Threats to freedom don\’t merely come from the outside. They can emerge from within - from our own fears, from the disengagement of our citizens.

For over a decade, America has been at war. Yet much has now changed over the five years since I last spoke here in Berlin. The Iraq war is now over. The Afghan war is coming to an end. Osama bin Laden is no more. Our efforts against al Qaeda are evolving. And given these changes, last month, I spoke about America\’s efforts against terrorism. And I drew inspiration from one of our founding fathers, James Madison, who wrote, «No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.» James Madison is right - which is why, even as we remain vigilant about the threat of terrorism, we must move beyond a mindset of perpetual war.

And in America, that means redoubling our efforts to close the prison at Guantanamo. (Applause.) It means tightly controlling our use of new technologies like drones. It means balancing the pursuit of security with the protection of privacy. (Applause.)

And I\’m confident that that balance can be struck. I\’m confident of that, and I\’m confident that working with Germany, we can keep each other safe while at the same time maintaining those essential values for which we fought for.

Our current programs are bound by the rule of law, and they\’re focused on threats to our security - not the communications of ordinary persons. They help confront real dangers, and they keep people safe here in the United States and here in Europe. But we must accept the challenge that all of us in democratic governments face: to listen to the voices who disagree with us; to have an open debate about how we use our powers and how we must constrain them; and to always remember that government exists to serve the power of the individual, and not the other way around. That\’s what makes us who we are, and that\’s what makes us different from those on the other side of the wall. (Applause.)

That is how we\’ll stay true to our better history while reaching for the day of peace and justice that is to come. These are the beliefs that guide us, the values that inspire us, the principles that bind us together as free peoples who still believe the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. - that «injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.» (Applause.)

And we should ask, should anyone ask if our generation has the courage to meet these tests? If anybody asks if President Kennedy\’s words ring true today, let them come to Berlin, for here they will find the people who emerged from the ruins of war to reap the blessings of peace; from the pain of division to the joy of reunification. And here, they will recall how people trapped behind a wall braved bullets, and jumped barbed wire, and dashed across minefields, and dug through tunnels, and leapt from buildings, and swam across the Spree to claim their most basic right of freedom. (Applause.)

The wall belongs to history. But we have history to make as well. And the heroes that came before us now call to us to live up to those highest ideals - to care for the young people who can\’t find a job in our own countries, and the girls who aren\’t allowed to go to school overseas; to be vigilant in safeguarding our own freedoms, but also to extend a hand to those who are reaching for freedom abroad.

This is the lesson of the ages. This is the spirit of Berlin. And the greatest tribute that we can pay to those who came before us is by carrying on their work to pursue peace and justice not only in our countries but for all mankind.

Последнее видео Барака Обамы, которое он записал в качестве действующего президента США. «То, что я понял за время своего срока, это то, что изменения возможны»,- говорит он простым американцам в последние дни работы в Белом доме.

В 2004 году на съезде Демократической партии Барак Обама, тогда еще сенатор, кандидат от штата Иллинойс, выступил с речью о своих кенийских корнях. Тогда и впоследствии Обама всегда выступал без телесуфлера.

Речь о надеждах

«Позвольте мне выразить глубочайшую благодарность за возможность выступить на этом съезде. Это особенная честь для меня, потому что - давайте будем откровенными - мое присутствие на этой сцене сегодня вечером было маловероятным. Мой отец был иностранным студентом; он родился и вырос в маленькой деревеньке в Кении. Он рос так: пас коз, ходил в школу, которая располагалась в маленькой лачужке. Его отец, мой дед, был поваром, прислуживал в британской семье. Мой дед жил мечтой для своего сына. Благодаря упорному труду и настойчивости мой отец получил стипендию на обучение в волшебном месте - в Америке, (стране), которая стала маяком свободы и возможностей для тех многих, кто сделал этот шаг до него», - так начал свою речь будущий президент США.

В этом обращении Барак Обама показал, что несмотря на то, что вся его личная история сегодня выглядит «маловероятной», Демократическая партия США сделала многое для того, чтобы наследие нации сохранилось, и для того, чтобы у каждого в этой стране были огромные возможности.

«Мои родители дали мне африканское имя Барак - „благословенный“ - полагая, что в толерантной Америке имя не может стать препятствием на пути к успеху. Они представляли, что я хожу в лучшую школу на земле, несмотря на то, что они не были богаты, потому что в щедрой Америке вам не нужно иметь богатств для того, чтобы достичь своего. Моих родителей сегодня уже нет в живых, но я знаю, что они смотрят на меня сверху с большой гордостью. Они сегодня вместе со мной, а я в этот вечер благодарен за разнообразие моего наследия и за то, что их мечты сегодня живут в моих дочерях. Я стою сегодня здесь и понимаю, что моя личная история является частью большой истории Америки».

Речь о расовом неравенстве

В 2008 году Барак Обама произнес речь о проблеме расизма в стране. «Понимание реальности требует постоянного напоминания о том, как мы пришли сегодня к этому. Уильям Фолкнер однажды написал: „Прошлое не умерло, и оно не погребено. И на самом деле это не прошлое“». Обама напомнил о расовом неравенстве, которое существовало в США до недавнего времени, и о том, что не все проблемы были разрешены на тот момент. В США до 2016 года существовали раздельные школы для белых и темнокожих детей.

Эксперты утверждают, что Обама был прекрасным оратором. Его речи были яркими, всегда эмоциональными и крайне пронзительными. «Я не знаю больше ни одного президента, который бы так работал над своими речами, - рассказывает Дуглас Бринклей, американский историк. - Он всегда думает с бумагой и карандашом».

Речь на вручении Нобелевской премии мира

В 2009 году президенту США - страны, которая прошла через войны в Ираке и Афганистане - вручили престижную премию. Награждение Обамы вызывало неоднозначные реакции в мире.

«У меня нет решения для войн, - заявил Обама, - (…) но мы должны дойти до нового понимания понятия „справедливой войны“ и понять важность „справедливого мира“».

Сам президент США отметил в своем выступлении, что его достижения не походят на достижения Нельсона Манделы и других лидеров, которые ранее были удостоены этой награды.

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«Мы должны признать горькую правду: мы не искореним насильственные конфликты в обозримом будущем. Придет время, когда страны - действуя по одиночке или в составе коалиций - придут к пониманию того, что применение силы не только необходимо, но даже оправдано. Я помню, что сказал Мартин Лютер Кинг, когда ему вручали Нобелевскую премию мира: „Постоянного мира нельзя добиться насилием. Оно не решит наши проблемы: с насилием проблем у нас станет больше“».

Обама заявил, что будучи верховным главнокомандующим, он не сможет опираться на достижения и приемы Мартина Лютера Кинга и Махатмы Ганди. «Я вижу мир таким, как он есть, и я неравнодушен перед лицом опасности, которая грозит нашему народу. Зло - реально. Переговорами не добиться того, чтобы Аль-Каида сложила оружие».

Песня в день рождения дочери и страны

«Так случилось, что мы отмечаем день рождения нашей страны в день рождения моей старшей дочерии Малии», - заявил президент США и спел Happy Birthday!

Заявление о том, что США убили бен Ладена

В марте 2011 года президент США вышел с заявлением к «стране и миру», что «США провели операцию, в ходе которой был убит Усама бен Ладен, лидер Аль-Каиды, террорист, который несет ответственность за убийство тысяч ни в чем неповинных мужчин, женщин и детей».

Слезы после трагедии в Ньютауне

Мир видел не только, как президент выступал с пронзительными речами, но и как он не смог удержать слез после того, как в декабре 2012 года в начальной школе Сэнди Хук были убиты 20 детей. Президент Обама заявил тогда, что хочет усилить контроль за ношением огнестрельного оружия, однако Конгресс США тогда эту инициативу заблокировал.

Обама не только поет

Президент США Барак Обама не только поет, но и хорошо танцует. После того, как с Кубы были сняты все санкции, Обама стал первым президентом, который ступил на кубинскую землю за почти девять десятков лет.

Речь Барака Обамы в Конгрессе США "О положении страны" - общепринятое название ежегодного Послания Президента конгрессу США, введенного Франклином Рузвельтом в 1935 г.

Начиная с 2009 года Барак Обама описывал свою внешнюю политику как нечто уравновешенное, дальновидное и успешное. Но в какой-то момент американцы перестали на это покупаться.

На этом видео Белый дом подчеркнул основные моменты речей Обамы за все его президентство.

Текст речи в некоторых местах отличается от официальной версии, опубликованной на сайте Белого дома. Обама импровизировал.

Читаем речь Обамы в Конгрессе США "О положении страны" на английском языке.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:

Tonight marks the eighth year I’ve come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I’m going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.

I also understand that because it’s an election season, expectations for what we’ll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don’t worry, I’ve got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I’ll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.

But for my final address to this chamber, I don’t want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.

I want to focus on our future.

We live in a time of extraordinary change — change that’s reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It’s change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It’s change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.

America has been through big changes before — wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America’s promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — we emerged stronger and better than before.

What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.

In fact, it’s that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It’s how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It’s how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.

But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
So let’s talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us — especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst?

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We’re in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the ’90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we’ve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.

Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven’t let up. Today, technology doesn’t just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It’s made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We’ve made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we’ve had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We’ve already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower’s income. Now, we’ve actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I’m going to keep fighting to get that started this year.

Of course, a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it’s not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn’t lose what they’ve already worked so hard to build.

That’s why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn’t weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That’s what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It’s about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we’ll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.

Now, I’m guessing we won’t agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — we shouldn’t just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that’s ready to hire him. If that new job doesn’t pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he’s going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That’s the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I’d welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.

But there are other areas where it’s been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — namely what role the government should play in making sure the system’s not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there’s red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won’t get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn’t cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren’t the reason wages haven’t gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It’s sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who’ve figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn’t deny Sputnik was up there. We didn’t argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We’re Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We’re Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We’re every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we’ve nurtured that spirit.

We’ve protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We’ve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.

But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they’ve had in over a decade. Tonight, I’m announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he’s gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I’m putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we’ve all lost, for the family we can still save, let’s make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.
Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You’ll be pretty lonely, because you’ll be debating our military, most of America’s business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it’s a problem and intend to solve it.

But even if the planet wasn’t at stake; even if 2014 wasn’t the warmest year on record — until 2015 turned out even hotter — why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — in jobs that pay better than average. We’re taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we’ve cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.

Gas under two bucks a gallon ain’t bad, either.

Now we’ve got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That’s why I’m going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.

None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we’ll create, the money we’ll save, and the planet we’ll preserve — that’s the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.

Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that’s why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there’s a problem.

I told you earlier all the talk of America’s economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It’s not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that’s the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — they call us.

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that’s not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today’s world, we’re threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.

It’s up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today’s world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That’s the story ISIL wants to tell; that’s the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don’t need to build them up to show that we’re serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world’s largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.

That’s exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL’s financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America’s commitment — or mine — to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can’t stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn’t pass muster on the world stage.

We also can’t try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That’s not leadership; that’s a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It’s the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — and we should have learned it by now.

Fortunately, there’s a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.

That’s our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we’re partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.

That’s why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
That’s how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.

That’s how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn’t set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That’s why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — something I’ll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.

That’s strength. That’s leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it’s expensive, it’s unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.

That’s why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn’t a matter of political correctness. It’s a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn’t make us safer. That’s not telling it like it is. It’s just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.

“We the People.”

Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we’ve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.

The future we want — opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.

It will only happen if we fix our politics.

A better politics doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That’s one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.

But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn’t work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn’t matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It’s one of the few regrets of my presidency — that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There’s no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I’ll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.

But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — or any President’s — alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you’ve told me. And if we want a better politics, it’s not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.

We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can’t bankroll our elections — and if our existing approach to campaign finance can’t pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We’ve got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.

But I can’t do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — in not just who gets elected but how they get elected — that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That’s what’s meant by a government of, by, and for the people.

What I’m asking for is hard. It’s easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn’t possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don’t matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don’t look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.

We can’t afford to go down that path. It won’t deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.

So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.

It won’t be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I’ll be right there with you as a citizen — inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word — voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.
They’re out there, those voices. They don’t get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.

I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you’re there. You’re the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.

I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.

I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.

I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over — and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.

I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him ’til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.

It’s the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he’s been taught.

I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.

That’s the America I know. That’s the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That’s what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That’s why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

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Перевод "выступление Барака Обамы" на английский

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Тысячи людей собрались, чтобы услышать выступление Барака Обамы о ключевых вопросах иностранной политики во время его нынешней европейской поездки.

Barack Obama deliver key foreign policy speech on his current European tour.">

Такими словами я бы выразил свои впечатления от обращения президента Обамы, - комментирует эксперт Московского Центра Карнеги Сергей Алексашенко выступление Барака Обамы 27 января 2010 г.

Lose its influence in society. Action is his slogan.">

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Другие результаты

Выступление президента Барака Обамы в Каирском университете было смелым, образным и своевременным.

Address of President Barack Obama"s was bold, imaginative, and timely.">

БРЮССЕЛЬ - Первые публичные выступления президента Барака Обамы за пределами Северной Америки - в Лондоне, Страсбурге, Праге и Стамбуле - привлекли к нему внимание мировой общественности.

Barack Obama"s first appearances outside North America - in London, Strasbourg, Prague, and Istanbul - galvanized world attention.">

Недавнее выступление президента США Барака Обамы на Ближнем Востоке является еще одним отображением снижения влияния США в регионе.

Barack Obama"s recent speech on the Middle East is a further display of America"s declining influence in the region.">

Комментарии со-председателя и со-основателя Мирового общественного форума «Диалог цивилизаций» Джагдиша Капура к выступлению Президента США Барака Обамы в Каирском университете 4 июня 2009 года.

Comments by the World Public Forum «Dialogue of Civilizations» co-chairman and co-founder Jagdish Kapur on the speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.

Speech of the US President Barack Obama , delivered in Cairo University on June 4, 2009.">

Вот так просто и однозначно, как передает турецкая пресса, министр иностранных дел Турции Ахмед Давудоглу предупреждает президента США Барака Обаму , предварительно подвергя "цензуре" его выступление 24 апреля. Будь я на месте Обамы , я бы обиделся на столь явный шантаж.

The authorities and "responsible" media confirm for six years that depriving the TV Company of air was not a limitation of the Freedom of speech ; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.

Speech; it simply presented uninteresting projects in more than 10 contests for allocation a frequency.">

Как заявил на заседании Глобальной инициативы Клинтона 25 сентября 2012 года президент Соединенных Штатов Америки Барак Обама в своем выступлении по вопросу о торговле людьми, «это должно касаться каждого человека, поскольку подрывает наши общечеловеческие ценности.

The President of the United States of America, Barack Obama , stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.

Barack Obama, stated, in his remarks on human trafficking at the Clinton Global Initiative on 25 September 2012, that it ought to concern every person, because it is a debasement of our common humanity.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Америки г-н Барак Обама ясно обрисовал существующую угрозу в своем выступлении в Праге в апреле 2009 года, когда он сказал: Сегодня «холодная война» ушла в прошлое, но тысячи единиц оружия тех времен остались.

The President of the United States, Mr. Barack Obama , pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.

Barack Obama, pinpointed the current danger in his speech in April 2009 in Prague, when he said: Today, the cold war has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not.">

Президент США Барак Обама действительно привлёк к данному вопросу внимание всего мира своим выступлением в Праге в 2009 г., убедив многих в необходимости создания мира без ядерного оружия.

Barack Obama did capture global attention with his Prague speech in 2009, which made a compelling case for a nuclear weapon-free world.">

Каковы бы ни были достоинства такого определения демократии, сохранение в силе этого закона резко контрастирует со словами, произнесенными нашим уважаемым другом и братом президентом Соединенных Штатов Бараком Обамой в его инаугурационном выступлении в Генеральной Ассамблее в ходе ее общих прений.

Whatever the merits of this definition of democracy, the continued application of the Act stands in marked contrast to the words uttered by our esteemed friend and brother President Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.

Barack Obama of the United States in his inaugural address to the General Assembly in its general debate.">

Для того чтобы восстановить моральное лидерство, президент Барак Обама должен выполнить обещания, произнесенные в его ранних речах - например, в его выступлениях в Стамбуле и Каире в начале его президентства - в которых он продемонстрировал искреннее уважение к угнетенным.

In order to restore America"s moral leadership, President Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.

Barack Obama must make good on his early rhetoric - exemplified in his speeches in Istanbul and Cairo early in his presidency - which demonstrated genuine regard for the oppressed.">

Президент Соединенных Штатов Барак Обама говорил о необходимости избавления мира от ядерного оружия.

The President of the United States, Barack Obama , has spoken of the need to attain a world free of nuclear weapons.